Twenty summers ago, Boston was a beehive of political activity. Practically every other house was adorned with candidates' signs and on just about every car was a campaign bumper sticker. Nearly every resident had a candidate in the fight, as elections are affectionately termed in Boston.

Bostonians were in the middle of the greatest political campaign and election in the city's long and proud history. As I said when I announced my candidacy from the West Broadway housing development in South Boston, "A lot is on the line for the people of Boston. Tragically, Boston has alienated neighborhoods and become a racially divided city. We all need to help bring our city together." School busing had devastated Boston, tearing it apart, and families were moving out of the city.

Boston has been called the most political city in America. Receiving a degree from Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and the education gained from working in a Boston mayoral election prepared one for a major government position anywhere in the world. Boston was as famous for its politics as San Francisco was for its cable cars, New York for the Statue of Liberty, or Philadelphia for the Liberty Bell. Well, at least that's the way it was.

Certainly much has changed. Very few people vote and hardly anyone participates in campaigns as volunteer workers. There are many theories why this is the case, but maybe that's a chapter in the definitive book I will someday write about the political history of Boston over the last 50 years.

The reason for the delay in writing this is not because I was not interested or motivated, but because I felt it was more urgent for me to write about the fascinating link between religion and politics. That's why I wrote The Accidental Pope and Pope John Paul II: A Personal Portrait of the Pope and the Man, relying on my unique experience as a leading American city politician working for former President Bill Clinton with Pope John Paul II at the Vatican.

If the Vatican is the world's most important listening post and the White House is the seat of power in the world, then Boston could easily be defined as a city that ate, drank, and slept politics. It has also been said that the revenge of politics was second in Boston sport only to the Red Sox-Yankees rivalry. But if it were true that Boston was the most sophisticated political city in the universe, it would have to be acknowledged that that was then, and this is now.

The boys standing around J.J. Foley's Café in the South End or the Eire Pub in Dorchester most certainly have their favorite stories about Boston's colorful politicians. From James Michael Curley to Albert "Dapper" O'Neill, tales are endless. But one campaign and election is almost unanimously acclaimed as the greatest in Boston's rich political history. 1983 brought the people out, and the city together.

Certainly there have been many hard fought and often contentious mayoral elections going back over the years. There was the Powers-Collins fight, Curley-Tobin, or White-Hicks to name just a few. But 1983 serves as the textbook study on urban American politics and elections. It was a campaign in which 76 head to head public candidate forums were held in neighborhoods across the city. Separate candidate forums or debates were sponsored by both major newspapers, four television stations, five radio stations, gay and civil rights groups, affordable housing advocates, rent control opponents, the Rainbow Coalition, "the Vault," Acorn, real estate developers, the Boston Society of Architects, Fair Share, church groups, the Republican Party, and of course every ward committee and civic organization in the city. It was said then that anyone who could get 10 people together had their own mayoral forum or debate. And all nine serious candidates showed up for all of them.

The field of candidates was as smart and articulate as anyone had ever seen. I remember the Boston Globe saying that even though it was their usual policy to endorse a mayoral candidate in all the important preliminary elections; because there were as many qualified and outstanding candidates, the paper would not make a choice. The Boston Herald gave candidate David Finnegan its endorsement, but this election was going to be decided by the people, not the press.

One major reason there was so much interest was because incumbent Mayor Kevin H. White was stepping down after 16 years in office. Most people in Boston were looking for a change as many longstanding problems were plaguing the city's neighborhoods. Mayor White had been an effective manager, but as often happens, it was simply time for new leadership.

David Finnegan, the chairman of the then-elected Boston School Committee and a popular radio talk show host, was the early front-runner. David came from a respected and powerful political family in the voter-rich St. Ann's parish neighborhood of Dorchester and most political insiders were supporting him. Bob Kiley, of Beacon Hill, had much of the White machine with him, having once served as a deputy mayor in the city, and who later ran the transit authority in New York City. Harvard-educated Larry DiCara was also a deeply respected and articulate president of the Boston City Council, who had strong support from the liberal bloc in Boston as well as the St. Gregory's parish area in Dorchester. Dennis Kearney, from East Boston, was an experienced and outstanding public official who served with me in the Massachusetts House of Representatives during the difficult school busing days in Boston. Mel King, of the South End, was also a state representative who was very popular with minorities, liberals, and housing advocates. He was also a master politician with sharp instincts. City Councilor Fred Langone, from the politically active North End, was the old pro in the field who had a remarkable grasp of the city budget process and who, affectionately, "knew where the bodies were buried." He was the most knowledgeable candidate of the political details in the race. He also had a strong bloc of Italian voters supporting him throughout the city.

Along with the aforementioned and myself, there were two other lesser-known candidates, Eloise Linger and Michael Gelber, for election of the Mayor of Boston in 1983. The lively and entertaining details of the campaign will make an interesting and colorful narrative about a great period in Boston's rich political history, but the one issue that made the most positive impact on the quality of life in Boston forever was how the debates, campaigning, the candidates and the media all helped to bring a racially and economically polarized Boston together.

The debates were fierce and the accusations and charges were often ruthless and unfair. It was a political street war, pure and simple, not a race impacted by money or special interests. But when the bell sounded to end this fight, the only ones standing were the citizens of Boston. They had needed a chance to get much off their chests. The candidates listened and responded as best as we could.

The Boston media covered the campaign and election about as professionally as any I have ever seen. I remember respected Boston Globe reporter Ed Quill telling his Los Angeles Times colleague that he was exhausted trying to keep up with this fierce pace of the campaign. He further said he and five other reporters from the Boston Globe alone have been covering the campaign every day for the last eight months. I said to the two reporters, "I've been doing this every day for the past two years. If you are really serious for successfully running for mayor of Boston, you have to start the day after the Boston City Council election. You need to state it publicly that you are in to stay; no turning back no matter who else runs."

After the primary, the final election was between Mel King and myself. We had known each other for many years. In fact, we often played basketball against each other. You'll read the election highlights in the newspapers as the 20th anniversary of that election approaches. But what is really important to understand is that in Boston in 1983 an election was held for mayor in which nearly everyone came out to vote, but even more importantly &emdash; everybody in Boston won.

Such history invites a forum on the great election season of 1983. Why did so many work in the campaigns? Why did the press give it so much attention? And why did so many people vote?

Raymond L. Flynn is the former Mayor of Boston (1984-1993) and U.S. Ambassador to the Vatican (1993-1997). He is the National President of Your Catholic Voice.