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By Chris Lovett
Special to the Reporter
Ever since the election of Bill Owens in 1974,
the state senator representing the Second Suffolk
District has been an African American. Thirty-four
years later, the district's incumbent, Dianne
Wilkerson, remains the one and only
African-American in the Massachusetts Senate.
And, if that puts a spotlight on racial
identity, Wilkerson has rechanneled the glare over
the past 16 years to put racial divides in sharper
relief - whether in housing discrimination,
predatory lending, the achievement gap in public
schools, health disparities, or traffic stops by
police.
During a candidate forum September 4 at Jamaica
Plain's, Boston English High School, Wilkerson even
mentioned her own conflict with racial identity -
with some African-American church leaders -
resulting from her support for same-sex marriage
rights. Her rationale was grounded in the civil
rights movement, but the cheers were from what
Wilkerson called a "Boston" audience - neither
exclusively black, Latino, white, LGBTQ, or even
progressive. Though the senate district includes
most of Boston's African-American population - in
Roxbury and parts of Dorchester - it also includes
areas dominated by whites, Latinos and Asians -
including the Back Bay, Fenway, South End,
Chinatown, and Jamaica Plain.
Two years ago, most areas outside the black
community were carried in a tightly contested
primary by Wilkerson's challenger, Sonia
Chang-Díaz. Mounting her second challenge in
the Democratic primary on Sept. 16,
Chang-Díaz takes progressive positions. But
this race between two progressives does have
differences.
Take public education. Chang-Díaz talks
in race-neutral terms about trying to get new
revenue for reducing class sizes, or higher minimum
wages so parents would have more time to be
involved in their children's education. At the
forum, Wilkerson showed little enthusiasm for
higher spending, but called for recruiting a
"culturally diverse teaching population."
"You go to our Department of Education," said
Wilkerson, "you don't see blacks and Latinos at a
higher level to be involved in the process of
figuring out what to do with the black and Latino
students."
Wilkerson also drew attention to racial
disparities in students placed in special
education.
"I think we also have to deal with the fact that
we have a special ed program that in fact has
become the de facto population of black and Latino
males, where we put the kids that other people
can't handle, and that my definition of 'special'
is that very few people have it," said Wilkerson.
"If 75 percent of the black and Latino males are in
special ed, there's nothing special about it."
If the comment sounded like the politics of
resentment - some people versus other people - it
also wasn't very far from concerns of leaders in
educational policy. Wilkerson went on to explain
her attempt to set up a legislative commission on
the status of black males, and she suggested a
possible need for schools or classes where boys and
girls are taught separately.
Before starting her second campaign,
Chang-Díaz worked as Director of Outreach
and Development at the Mass. Budget & Policy
Center. She also previously worked as a teacher in
public schools. In comments at the forum, she
focused on the difficulty of teaching in Boston
high schools, with an average class size, by her
estimate, of 31 students.
"You cannot deliver the kind of individualized
attention that every student needs with that kind
of class size," she said.
"I think, at $2200 per student, it's hard to
make the case that a lot of it is about money,"
Wilkerson responded. "Anybody who says we're going
to fix this with more money, is dreaming."
Wilkerson also argued against the current amount
of spending on incarceration as a way to reduce
violence. She called for revisiting the state's
mandatory sentencing for certain offenses in school
zones - which cover most of the city. And she
disagreed with support by Chang-Díaz for
limiting legal gun purchases to one per month.
Wilkerson's reluctance in recent years to
embrace across-the-board spending increases for
improving schools and public transportation might
be construed as a sign of her lack of clout. The
problem with clout could also reflect the
entrenched divide between the interests of Boston
and at least the suburbs, if not quite all the rest
of the state. But, with a trail of media reports
over the years about her troubles with taxes, condo
fees, nomination signatures, and most recently with
reporting and record-keeping in campaign finances,
there are some grounds for concluding the lack of
clout is at least partially due to Wilkerson's
individual shortcomings.
At the forum, Chang-Díaz stopped short of
making that argument explicitly, though she has
faulted Wilkerson with a failure to be open with
her constituents about which interests support her
campaign, and how their money is being used. And
that, according to Chang-Díaz, diminishes
clout for all progressives.
"It harms the progressive agenda when we
reinforce people's cynicism by asking them to
choose between good votes on the issues and good
ethics and accountability," said Chang-Díaz.
"It pushes people away from voting and away from
participation in our political system."
While Chang-Díaz is trying to convince
voters that Wilkerson's troubles are costing them
clout and what clout is supposed to deliver. That's
precisely what Wilkerson is trying to refute in her
campaign website (the heading reads: "Dianne
Delivers '08"). And in her campaigning, Wilkerson
has talked up everything from filing bills to help
victims of predatory lending, to having a role in
Gov. Deval Patrick's approval of money for a new
skating rink in Jamaica Plain.
But, when it comes to projects in the district,
the two candidates also have their disagreements.
One is about Columbus Center, the stalled
megaproject over the Mass. Turnpike on the border
of the South End and Back Bay. Chang-Díaz
opposes giving the project additional state
subsidy.
The candidates also disagree about another
stalled project, the Level 4 biolab that Boston
University has been trying to build in the South
End. Chang-Díaz is opposed to the project,
while Wilkerson has been joining with other local
office-holders trying to increase regulatory
hurdles for the lab - keeping a door open to
community benefits, such as training and jobs.
"There are many states in the nation that we are
competing with for the biotech industry" said
Chang-Díaz, "but there's not a single other
Level 4 biotech-bioresearch lab that is sited in a
densely-populated area."
Despite describing herself as an ally of the
lab's opponents, including state Rep. Gloria Fox,
Wilkerson also hailed it as the "leading edge" of
biotech research.
"The reality is, if we're smart as a community,
we want to make sure that all of our sides are
covered," said Wilkerson. "My position is if we
lose on this, I want to have a conversation about
what that means in our community. If we win,
there's no lab, no harm found, and we go on our
merry way."
When Chang-Díaz made her first challenge
two years ago, Wilkerson failed to gather enough
valid signatures to appear on ballot in the
primary. This year, there was an abundance of
signatures, and the overall increase in the number
votes by people of color in Boston over the past
decade belies the notion that they're tuning out
candidates.
Throughout the entire forum Chang-Díaz
made practically no mention of her Latina and Asian
background. It could be the approach that will
attract votes by diminishing identity barriers.
But, before voters can transcend identity, they
have to be mobilized. And, if neither candidate for
senate in the Second Suffolk can do that entirely
on her own merits, then the two of them can
certainly energize voters through one thing most
legislative races in Massachusetts lack - solid
competition.
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